What Martin Luther King Really Said

 

                       by H. Bruce Franklin

 

 

     Preaching to Black ministers assembled in Memphis on November

13, 1993, President Clinton told them--and the nation--what Martin

Luther King "would say" about ghetto violence if he were now to

return twenty-five years after being assassinated.  Like a

ventriloquist, the President put these words in the mouth of Dr.

King: "I did not live and die to see young people destroy their own

lives with drugs and then build fortunes destroying the lives of

others. . . . I did not fight for the right of black people to

murder other black people with reckless abandonment."  Dr. King's

gospel, according to the President, seems to be that the main

causes of ghetto violence are the inhabitants of the ghetto.

     If President Clinton believes this is what Martin Luther King

would have said on this subject, he must not remember what he did

say:

     As I have walked among the desperate, rejected and angry young

     men, I have told them that Molotov cocktails and rifles would

     not solve their problems. . . . They asked if our own nation

     wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems,

     to bring about the changes it wanted.  Their questions hit

     home, and I knew that I could never again raise my voice

     against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without

     having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of

     violence in the world today--my own government.

     In the twenty-six years since Dr. King spoke these words in

his great April 4, 1967 sermon about U.S. militarism and

imperialism, his analysis of the interrelations between U.S. global

policies and the most severe domestic problems has become more and

more telling.  President Clinton's rhetorical stance assumed that

Dr. King would be surprised by what he would see if he returned

today.  But in fact King predicted these conditions as consequences

of "American life and policy,"  for "racism, materialism, and

militarism" will continue to grow so long as "machines and

computers, profit and property rights are considered more important

than people."  The fundamental cause of ghetto violence, according

to Dr. King's actual, rather than fantasized, words, is that our

nation is on the "wrong side of a world revolution," fighting

globally to protect "the immense profits of overseas investment"

gained through the emiseration of poor and working people abroad

and at home. 

     Martin Luther King decried the alliance between our nation and

the "landed gentry" of Latin America, which has led to an

intercontinental "pattern of suppression."  He pointed unwaveringly

at the "glaring contrast of poverty and wealth," most visible to

its victims throughout the Third World, including the ghettoes and

barrios of the United States.  He castigated the global warfare

waged by America against the revolutionary aspirations of peoples

of color.  "The need to maintain social stability for our

investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of

American forces," and for "American helicopters" and "American

napalm and green beret forces" being used against people in Latin

America and Asia who "are revolting against old systems of

exploitation and oppression."  At the very core of all this,

embodying the nation's deepest sickness, Dr. King saw America's war

against Vietnam:  "If America's soul becomes totally poisoned, part

of the autopsy must read `Vietnam.'"

     In the quarter century since Dr. King's murder, the United

States has: devastated Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia far more

savagely than in the years before his death; helped a terrorist

junta overthrow the legally elected government of Chile; invaded

and occupied Grenada; bombed Libya; sacked Panama to replace one

former U.S. stooge with a more compliant replacement; organized the

overthrow of a Nicaraguan government committed to ending the

exploitation King denounced; armed, trained, and financed a

terrorist regime in El Salvador; slaughtered at least one hundred

thousand people in Iraq to punish a dictator armed by Washington;

killed hundreds of civilians in Somalia; covertly financed a drug-

running military cabal in Haiti; and worked remorselessly to

annihilate Latin America's most successful health and education

system in Cuba.

     President Clinton's main theme, enunciated in his opening

sentence, was "the great crisis of the spirit that is gripping

America today."  When he was alive and could not be used as a

ventriloquist's dummy, Martin Luther King eloquently named and

predicted this crisis:  "A nation that continues year after year to

spend more money on military defense than on programs of social

uplift is approaching spiritual death."  For him, the violence in

the ghetto is the direct product of our nation's betrayal of its

"promise of hope for the poor" and a clear manifestation of "a

society gone mad on war."

 

Originally printed in the Nation, December 6, 1993, vol. 257, and widely reprinted.