You have don me such honour, by your two letters, One of the 6th of August 1747, the other without date by Mr Kalm,[1] that I cannot otherwise account for it, than by your willingness to incourage every attempt to promote knowledge: for I am so sensible of my want of skill in the Botanical science, that I can no way deserve the praises you are pleased to bestow on the little performances I have made.[2]. When I came into this part of the World, near forty Years since, I understood only the Rudiments of Botany, & I found so much diffculty in applying it to the many unknowen plants, that I met with every where, that I was quite discouraged, & laid aside all attempts in that way, near thirty Years, till casually I met with your Books, which gave me such new lights, that I resolved again to try what could be don with your assistence.[3] If then I have been able to do any thing worth your notice, it is intirely owing to the Excellency of your method. However, I still find my self at a loss in a fundamental point in Botany, what it is that certainly dist[inguishes] one Genus from an other of the same Class, so as not to be in danger of confounding plants of different Genera, by reducing them into one, or by making different Genera [a]of such[a] as are really one[4] This difficulty I find puzels sometimes the Masters of the Art, by the disagreements in Judgement on that head, which appears among them. I mentioned this to Gronovius, but I have not heard from him since.[5] I am perswaded that if this difficulty can be removed by any method, it may by yours.
It is observed, that animals of different genera seldom copulate, unless they be of the next adjoining Genera in the chain of Nature: That tho’ these produce young by their copulation, the breed of these are never capable of continueing their species. So it is observed of the Mule, proceeding from an Ass & Horse. We observe the same of our wild Geese & household Geese. They by copulation produce Young but these never continue their species any further. And yet we have several of the species of houshold Geese, which, to all appearence, differ as much, or more, from each other, than some of them do from the wild Geese. It is likewise certain, that throughout the whole Genera of both Animals & Vegitables, the distinction of the Male & Female organs is every where observed, & that this distinction is necessary[b], for the propagation of the kind. But what it is, in the one & in the other, that makes it necessary they should be distinct, so that the species cannot be produced by one alone, I know not, nor do I find, that any Philosopher has attempted to explain it. This, which adapts the female of one Species to the male of the other, is not meerely from the sise, shape or number of their respective organs, as is plain in the case of the wild & tame Geese, & the Horse & Ass, but from something else likewise, which I know not. What I would infer from this is, that a perfect Similitude in the figure, number &c. of the Organs of Generation, are not a certain Characterestic of their being of the same Genus: but that something else must be frequently added to distinguish the Genera. You have on your principles made the Aple & the Pear of the same Genus, & yet I am perswaded they are of different, because there is something so different in the nature of the Pear & of the Aple, that a stock of the one is not proper for the cyon of the other, in grafting or inoculation, whereas the Stocks of the same Genus, tho’ of different species, equally serve for the cyons of any other Species, as those of the same species do. We observe the same in different species of Animals, the males of any species equally serve the females of the other.
I did not intend to say that the Zea is not a native of America, if you have seen all that I have wrote to Gronovius on this head you’l evidently perceive, that my intention was otherwise, however I have expressed my self to occasion that mistake:[6] On the contrary, We have many different species of it, which, so far as I can Learn, are not in Europe or Asia. From what I have observed of this Plant, I think it necessary to take in the magnitude of the Plant, & the time of Produceing the seed in full ripeness, as a distinction of the different species of this Genus; for, after the most carefull examination, I can discover nothing else to distinguish them, & yet they are certainly distinct species. Give me leave on this occasion to make one observation, tho’ it be a very obvious one. There are some plants & those the most necessary for humane Life, which grow no where but when sowen by mens hands, & in cultivated Lands, such as our Indian corn, or Zea, Wheat, Barly, Rye, &c. That they never were the Spontanious produce of the Earth, without the Art & Labour of Man, otherwise they must be somewhere found growing Spontaneously. So the houshold Animals, Dogs, Cats, Dunghill Fouls, &c. seem to have been concomitants to man from the beginning, & that they cannot live without him. For the species at least, & I believe, I may venture to say, that the Genera of Houshold Animals are no where wild but have from the Begining been dependants on man. Man therefore has a natural right over them, whereas we seems to be in a state of war with the other Animals.
As I had but little Skill in Botany, when I began first to examine the plants of this Country, according to your method, it is no wonder that I fell into many mistakes: most part of them I afterwards discover’d by [myself] & sent proper corrections to Gronovius, the most material of which I sha[ll] copy for your use. I likewise sent several dryed Plants to him, but they h[ad] the misfortune to be taken by the French. I had directed the packet, in ca[se] of capture, to be delivered to Messrs du Jardin royal a Paris. So that perhaps you may still hear of them.
I have been oblidged for near three Years past to lay aside all Botanical amusements, the publick affairs of this Government having [oblig]ed me to be, during the Summer Season, on the frontiers of this Govern[ment] where we could not go out of the fortifiyed places, during the cruel & Barbarous War with the French Indians, without danger of being surprised by the Sculking ennemy Indians.
I hope now that we have peace, it may be in my power to make som return to the obligations you have laid on me, by sending some dryed plants, as you direct, with such discriptions as I can make of them.[7] I cannot hope for any great reputation from what I do of this kind, but if you think, that my observations or descriptions[c] can be of any use to the publick, you have my leave to make use of them in what ever manner you shall think proper.
I receiv’d the Dissertation you sent by Mr Sandin[d],[8] & likewise your Fauna swecica, & Flora Zeilanica from Mr Kalm.[9] They are[e] very acceptable as I could not otherwise have procurd them in this Country. They shall remain with me as tokens of your Esteem for me & which I hope my Children will value after I am gon.[10]
Mr Kalm ariv’d so late last fall in Pensylvania, that the season of the year did not permet him to proceed in his intended voyage. He tells me that he designs for Canada next spring.[11] I hope to see him at my house in his way thither & to have the pleasure of his conversation for some days. It will give me pleasure if I can be of use to him in making his voyage more convenient or safe for him. If you’l please to continue your faveurs of writing to me Mr Collinson of London, with whom you correspond, will take of your Letters to transmit them to me[12] Or if they be sent to Pensylvania & directed to the care of Mr Benjn Franklen, Post Master in Philadelphia, they will come to my hands.[13] God praeserve you in health for the benefite of Mankind. But before I conclude I must inform you that the title of Summus Praefectus no way belongs to me. I know not what has led you into this mistake I am with great regard.[14]
Dear Sr
Your most obedient humble
servant
NOTES
[1] The letter, from August 1747, was the first from Linnaeus to Colden. It was sent to him by the Swedish clergyman Johan Sandin. The second, undated, was written in the same year, and brought to Colden by Pehr Kalm. These letters are known through information given in Colden’s reply, and from the selection of the correspondence of Colden, published by Gray in 1843 (see “Selections from the scientific correspondence of Cadwallader Colden”, 85-133). Although the letters are unpublished, Gray comments on them (p.111) in a way that suggests that he must have seen and read them. They are also listed in a “Calendar of unprinted scientific and political papers of Cadwallader Colden”, 360-361, with a short notice of their content. These letters have recently (September 1998) come to light in the collections of the New York Historical Society; the information given below regarding these particular letters will be updated as soon as possible.
[2] Colden initiated the correspondence, with Johan Frederik Gronovius as an important intermediary. The correspondence between Colden and Gronovius started in 1743, when Colden sent a catalogued collection of plants brought together in the surroundings of his country seat, Coldengham, in the province of New York. Gronovius communicated this to Linnaeus, who published it under the title, “Plantae Coldenghamiae” (see Gray, “Selections from the scientific correspondence of Cadwallader Colden”, 85-88, Juel, “Early investigations of North American flora”, 67, and Hindle, The Pursuit of science, 41). The two letters by Linnaeus from 1747 contained remarks upon the manuscript sent by Colden, and notes and queries regarding the plants described therein: on this see Gray, 111, and “Calendar of unprinted scientific and political papers of Cadwallader Colden”, 60-61. Along with his third letter to Colden of 10 August 1750, Linnaeus sent the first part of “Plantae Coldenghamiae”.
[3] Colden, who had studied botany in Edinburgh, took an interest in plant investigations after his arrival in the North American colonies. He soon turned to practise his medical profession. In 1718 he moved to New York where his political career started. He became a major force in politics and government. Without withdrawing from his political duties, he moved to Coldengham in 1739 and from then on pursued the study of botany for a little more than ten years. Soon after leaving New York, he came across a copy of Linnaeus’s Genera plantarum which deeply impressed him and inspired him to collect plants in the surroundings of Coldengham: see Hindle, The Pursuit of science, 39-40.
[4] On Colden’s objections to Linnaeus, see Hindle, The Pursuit of science, 41-42.
[5] Gronovius was one of Colden’s first European correspondents. In their letters, partly published in Colden papers, III, their views on the Linnaean system are extensively discussed.
[6] Probably a question put forward by Linnaeus in one of his two letters. Zea (a sort of American corn) is described in his “Plantae Coldenghamiae”, II, 76-77.
[7] In his first letter to Colden of 6 August 1747, Linnaeus asked Colden to send him dried plants and seeds (see Gray, “Selections from the scientific correspondence of Cadwallader Colden”, 111, and “Calendar of unprinted scientific and political papers of Cadwallader Colden”, 360).
[8] In ED1 the name of Sandin is wrongly read as “Garden”, who was probably meant to be Alexander Garden. He belonged to the same circle of Scottish emigrés as Colden (see Hindle, The Pursuit of science, 50-56); in ED2 the correct name is given. Sandin had arrived in March 1748, was appointed a dean of the Swedish Lutheran church in America in May, and also a vicar of Racoon and Pennsneck in New Jersey, where there was a large Swedish congregation. He died in September of the same year. Well liked by Linnaeus, he brought with him a letter from the latter to Colden, collected medicinal plants for Linnaeus, and called upon Colden to assist him. Kalm and Sandin had met in Uppsala, but never met in America. However, Kalm took care of Sandin’s widow, Anna Margareta, whom he married about a year later. Following a plea addressed to the clerical authorities in Sweden, made with the moral support of Linnaeus, he succeeded in supporting her financially. Kalm also delivered sermons in Sandin’s church. For the relations between Sandin and Kalm and the connection with Colden and Linnaeus in this particular case, see Kalm to Linnaeus, 14 October 1748, Kalm, Resejournal, II, 180, 199, 210, 242, 255, 257, IV, 92, 177-78, and Skottsberg, Pehr Kalm: Levnadsteckning, 127-129, 148, 152.
[9] Linnaeus’s Fauna Suecica was published in 1746 and Flora Zeylanica in 1747. In the latter Linnaeus named a plant Coldenia (no. 69). Kalm had copies of these two books bound in November 1748 and the cost is noted in his American travelling expenses account. For Kalm’s relations with Colden in the autumn of 1748 and spring of 1749, see Kalm to Linnaeus, 14 October 1748 and 29 May 1749, Kalm, Resejournal, II, 218, Kalm, Pehr Kalms amerikanska reseräkning, 42, 44, and Skottsberg, Pehr Kalm: Levnadsteckning, 123-124, 128.
[10] Colden had eight children. One of these, Jane Colden, who was talented in drawing plants, followed her father’s tutoring and made botanical contributions of her own: see Hindle, The Pursuit of science, 42-43, “Cadwallader Colden”, 44, and Broberg, “Fruntimmers-botaniken”, 195-196.
[11] Kalm went to Canada in the spring of 1749. During the whole of his stay in North America Colden was obviously very helpful to him, and they met several times: see the letters to Linnaeus and the various travel accounts.
[12] Peter Collinson together with Gronovius was one of Colden’s first European correspondents. Collinson was his main link with the European scientific community as well as his literary agent in England. As a friend Collinson encouraged Colden’s botanical studies and thus stimulated his growing interest in Linnaeus: see Hindle, The Pursuit of science, 40, 43, 45-46.
[13] Benjamin Franklin served as a postmaster in Philadelphia during this period.
[14] Probably a characterisation given by Linnaeus in one of his first two letters.